Freedom Conservatives: A Stand Against Progressivism and Populism – The American

The summer of 2023 is witness to the next chapter in the history of the American conservative movement. The “Freedom Conservative” project came to be on July 13, 2023, as a response to growing authoritarianism on the left and the right. Avik Roy, president of the Foundation for Research on Equal Opportunity, along with John Hood of the Pope Foundation, assembled 122 conservative activists, journalists, and policy professionals to pledge the affirmation of “freedom” in the conservative movement and the principles that define it.

According to the Freedom Conservative pledge, 10 fundamental principles will ensure freedom in America. “We believe in free enterprise, free trade, free speech, strong families, balanced budgets, and the rule of law,” said Hood. “We champion equal protection and equal opportunity.” The pledge pays homage to the U.S. founding documents like the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution and addresses current issues like racial discrimination, monetary inflation, and fiscal discipline.

The Rise and Fall of Freedom Conservatives

It may seem unusual that a movement based on freedom and limited government would require a document reestablishing the core tenants of its orthodoxy, but the pledge’s creation follows a long-held tradition in conservative history. In his book The Right, American Enterprise Institute scholar Matthew Continetti documents the 100-year struggle for American conservatism and its continual tug-of-war battle between mainstream political discourse and extreme populism.

On Sept. 11, 1960, 100 conservative activists met at William F. Buckley’s home in Sharon, Connecticut, to found Young Americans for Freedom. The resulting “Sharon Statement,” which recognizes God-given free will, the indivisibility of liberty, and the codependence of political and economic freedom, was described by the New York Times as a “seminal document” that transcended conservatism. It left the fringes with Sen. Joe McCarthy in the ’50s, the Barry Goldwater presidential nomination in the ’60s, and the Reagan presidency in the ’80s. (READ MORE: Defending Buckley: A Response to Michael Anton)

As the conservative movement gained electoral success, it also achieved international victories, from winning the Cold War and China embracing a free-market economy to domestic achievements like lower marginal tax rates, welfare reform, and reducing violent crime in the streets. After 9/11, the global war on terror became the main focus of the Bush administration as domestic issues took a back seat.

Reform conservatives like Yuval Levin from National Affairs and Ross Douthat at the now-defunct Weekly Standard wrote on the economic concerns of the 21st century and warned that the Republican Party was ignoring the plight of the increasingly white non-college voter base. While reform conservatives didn’t address wedge issues like immigration, free trade, or culture, Republican politicians stayed the course, leading to the takeover of Donald Trump and Trump-style populism. (RELATED: The Danger of Importing Leftist Tribalism Into Republican Politics)

In 2016, Rich Lowry’s National Review published its “Conservatives against Trump” issue, in which conservative writers contributed personal essays describing how Trump’s brand of politics would damage the conservative movement. But despite the best-selling edition, National Review failed to persuade conservative voters, and Trump went on to win the primary and, ultimately, the presidency.

Although the Trump administration won conservative victories — from passing the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act to ending the Obamacare mandate and confirming originalist judges who ended Roe v. Wade and affirmative action — the president’s populist persona is arguably what lost the White House and the U.S. Senate and left Republicans with a slim majority in the House, thanks to redistricting.

But Trump’s restoration of populism has rejuvenated conservatives despite these losses, so much so that the Edmund Burke Foundation–sponsored “National Conservatism: A Statement of Principles“ was created in 2022. It centers around global populist rather than freedom conservative movements, the latter of which rely on American conservatism as tied to America’s founding.

A Revival for Freedom Conservatives

National conservatives have some noble ideas, and the conservative youth movement supports them. Still, they remain too reliant on the government’s interference in the free market and uphold the national government over states’ rights. This makes the 10th Amendment arbitrary, as the federal government can supersede state and local governments where “immorality and dissolution reign.” Leaving those terms ambiguous is dangerous, especially if progressives take power.

The progressive movement is shaping the Democratic Party. It is already moving to expand government beyond its constitutional authority by pushing extremist views — such as critical race theory, transgenderism, and defunding the police — into the public discourse. Conservatives must counter the social as well as the economic issues.

The good news is that freedom conservatism provides not just a return to pre-Trump conservatism but a bulwark against conservative populism and liberal progressivism. Unfortunately, there are more rabble rousers than conservative intellectuals, and a cult of personality sometimes replaces conservative intellect in the battlefield of ideas. 

Donald Bryson of the John Locke Foundation writes:

As some seek to make conservatism more relevant in American politics, now is not the time to abandon its rich history of preserving freedom. Now is the moment to embrace freedom as a policy concept, not leave it.

Freedom conservatives are drawing a red line in America’s political discourse, providing a roadmap for conservatives and Americans who love freedom. Populism and progressivism are built on grievance. Conservatism is ordered toward liberty for all.

Freedom conservatism will help preserve the American experiment for generations to come.